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THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE OF THE
BISHOPS OF BRAZIL Communication from the Brazilian Commission of Justice and
PeaceRegarding the World Social Forum Since its inception in January 2001, the World Social Forum is being recognized so far as the most remarkable, history-making, positive effort of this new Millennium. Its catchphrase "Another World Is Possible" has been repeated thousands of times, both in Brazil and abroad, by those concerned with the present and future of human society who are committed to the effective pursuit and achievement of equality among nations and individuals, so as to overcome world poverty, hunger, terrorism, wars and other ecological disasters jeopardizing the life of future generations and of planet Earth itself. With the global solidarity concept recently proposed by Pope John Paul II, — an expression already included in the Forum’s vocabulary — the utopia of a different world, as necessary as it is urgent, has heartened hopes and kindled the certainty on the human capacity to seek fraternity. In this communication I will briefly recall how the Forum has emerged by initiative of some civil society organizations in Brazil with the intense participation of our Church, by way of our Commission of Justice and Peace, to become a repeated event growing into what we now call the ongoing World Social Forum Process. I would like to do so by calling attention to the direct relationship there is between the values that the Forum has been consolidating around the world and the Christian social, political and economic thought. My reason for doing this is that we may discover we have, as Church, a special responsibility to resume this quest, as it still is quite far from completion. In fact, different minds and hearts see the Forum with different eyes. The dominant world-system is quite capable to bar one of the greatest innovations it has produced: the rise of a planetary civil society as a new political actor. After the war on Iraq, all civilized, pacific negotiations among nations to resolve impending conflicts clearly seems to be at risk, swallowed up by resort to the most barbaric, violent uses of force and by the unilateral initiative of the world’s greatest military power. _____________________
As it has been acknowledged, the values leading to the World Social Forum Process are those contained in its Charter of Principles,issued by the end of its inaugural realization in 2001, in Porto Alegre, Rio Grande do Sul. The first Forum’s overwhelming success was quite surprising to most people, including its organizers. The Charter of Principles (attached to this communication), has become the basis of reference for all people who then wished to organize similar social forums in their own countries, regions or hometowns. Such initiatives have been spreading all over the world, witnessing to the fact that the World Social Forum Process corresponds to a real need felt by the people to open up a new possibility for activism led by common citizens, as confirmed by numerous publications. One of the main principles of this Charter stipulates that the Forum basically is an open, free space for a democratic, horizontal debate of ideas. A "factory of ideas"indeed, as we like to call it, for the mutual recognition and learning exchange of experiences it produced, as well as a way to search for new connections among all organizations, social movements and networks to resist the imposition of an economic global system which overruns human beings, cultural achievements and the safety of the environment itself, in its pursuit of ever-growing financial profits. Regarding these new connections, the Forum works as an incubator of fresh movements and networks which, once bred in its nest, are able to pursue their own flight. The proposal of a World Social Forum responded, on one hand, to the felt need of confronting the predominant drive toward globalization. On the other hand, there was the wish to go beyond street demonstrations — which were multiplying themselves by 2001, especially in developed countries — to reach a more purposeful phase concerning the world in which most people want to live in, beginning with what had already been done to build a new reality. The World Social Forums and the International Journeys to Overcome Monopolization It is perhaps important to recall that the purpose to create "the Brazil we
want" of the "Social Weeks" was first suggested by the National Conference
of the Bishops of Brazil (CNBB) almost thirty years ago, and remark that the World Social
Forums are now actualizing what was envisaged when CNBB was chaired by Bishop Dom Cândido
Padim. Our purpose at that time was to hold a vast, international gathering of groups and
communities fighting all kinds of oppression, by means of a growing, free and horizontal
process of exchange, the "International Journeys for a Society Overcoming
Monopolization". This original concept already advocated the same goals now vowed by
the Forum in its gatherings.
The exercise of power as service The Charter of Principles is also meant to protect the World Social Forum from the kind of conventional guidelines and manipulations which tend to progressively wither initiatives of this kind. Consequently, the World Social Forum gatherings are never adjourned with a conclusive document establishing directives or supposed conclusions. That is, it never advances a "corporate mentality" as other known forums do, such as the World Economic Forum annual meetings began in 1979. It actually was against the WEF that the participants of the World Social Forum rose up, criticizing the former’s imposition of "a single law of markets", as well as a "worldwide cultural homogenization." As the World Social Forum does not have a deliberative function, no-one can speak in its behalf. Its Charter of Principles explicitly says that "The Forum does not constitute itself a power game to be disputed between its participants at any of its gatherings" nor does it pretend to be the only alternative for dialogue and action among the organizations and movements involved. In practice, this means that its promoters see themselves as service-givers or "process facilitators" — an identity they reiterate evermore — and not as "leaders" of a new international movement. This has a lot to do with the notion of power seen not as an authoritarian control, but as a skill to serve the powerless, that is, a concept that is so pleasing to our Church, to help the people who are unaware of their own power, so that they may overcome dependency by growing in autonomy and solidarity. Even in the organization of the Forum’s events a privileged space is reserved for activities freely organized by the participants, so that through the lectures or discussions programmed by its organizers on themes they consider important, the Forum is not turned into an occasion to advertise specific ideas. From the perspective of a networking process, each gathering is but a more intense moment for horizontal articulations which later on get deepened and expanded, never from the top down. Although all agree that these principles are the basis of the Forum’s success (twenty-thousand participants in 2001; fifty-thousand participants in 2002 and one-hundred-thousand participants in 2003, without taking into account the large Regional Forums which took place in Italy and in India), they always need to be emphasized, especially during new Social Forums organized outside Brazil, because the temptation has always appeared among the organizers of these Regional Social Forums to seize on the occasion when so many people are gathered and use it as a platform for their own ideas and political agendas. On the other hand, the Forum’s emphasis on not having spokespersons or conclusive documents frequently causes revisionist attacks on the part of individuals or political groups concerned with procuring more efficiency for themselves in their struggle to change the world. They believe the Forum should change from a discussion platform into a movement — a "movement to end all movements" — duly commanded by leaders who would see themselves as experts on the best ways to act. _____________________ Diversity as a fundamental value Another principle adopted by the Social Forum — which has a lot to do with our options as Christians — regards what is considered essential to a reverence for diversity and a concern for the pace of its scheduled activities, as well as the political options of each participant. This is, however, to be allowed only up to a certain limit. The participation of groups or movements opting for violent means of political action such as armed-struggle organizations in general, is not accepted. This is a basic principle that makes the Social Forum so appealing. Those wishing to participate know that they will neither be controlled nor coaxed into following the diatribes of pretense charismatic leaders. The Social Forum is more than a tactical move to earn adepts. It depicts a vision of the future society we wish to create, in which all are human beings with their own differences, and respected for what they are, united within their diversity, rather than uniformity, and free from blind obedience. Even here, though, there is a question which would seem indisputable: there are those who would prefer that the Social Forum gathered only those clearly belonging to the more radical side of a dividing line between the "revolutionary" ones and not the others. The Social Forum’s Charter of Principles bans all kinds of divisive participation to introduce dynamics of struggle for supremacy: that of political parties as such — though it is never asked of delegates enrolled by the different organizations whether they are affiliated to any party —, and even the participation of elected political leaders is possible, though strictly on a personal level. It is quite easy to imagine how much argumentation such questions raise. But the Social Forum’s Charter of Principles stands intact so far, thus inaugurating a form of political engagement which has been revealing itself evermore opportune, even before the recent crisis experienced by all political parties, especially within the developed countries.
These principles have helped characterize the Social Forum as a space within civil society, organized by the civil society and for the civil society — since no government representatives nor inter-governmental institutions are allowed to interfere in the promotion of this event, except as its supporters. And it was this characteristic that brought about the rise — within the succession of events of the Social Forum Process — of the so-called "global civil society," which has earned enormous visibility with protest demonstrations around the world against the Iraq invasion. It needs to be mentioned that such demonstrations have not been the result of any decision made by the Forum as if it were a movement with a programmed direction for its activities. The need to protest against injustice has been discussed by movements and by organizations present at the various Forums and even a date for demonstrations has been occasionally suggested by some such movements, but no decision in that regard was ever taken by the Social Forum itself. The success of such public demonstrations was due to the networking the Forum helped develop, more than any parties, workers’ unions or government members involved The demonstrations were a clear display of how horizontal networking links simple citizens among themselves — by means of the Internet — as social organizations concerned with the future of the world, indeed are a mobilizing power much greater than the old hierarchical structuring quite common in political parties, workers’ unions and social movements. And it is possible to fantasize that such demonstrations nearly succeeded to prevent the onslaught of the war on Iraq — which would have been an enormous victory for humanity, in many ways.
The current challenge within the Social Forum’s Process (which earlier on seemed so promising in its advance) is the blockage it has suffered as the war did begin a few days after the second wave of demonstrations. This force within the civil society is still too young and frail to face international conflicts and forceful power interests. We have seen for instance how the extraordinary UN Assembly to discuss its resolution 377 (also proposed through the Internet) which could have put the United States in an difficult position to launch the war, was defeated. That was why the US government pressured so strongly its purpose so that no other country would raise this convocation to the UN Secretary General, who would then have to consult all its nation-members, embarrassing the US diplomatically. Not even the Vatican, as a State participating in the UN, thought itself capable to confront US power so directly. And that evidently was a pity, as it might have changed the course of history. However, such is reality. Will we ever be able to put forward the effective and growing surge of this new political actor — the common people — in an efficient and enduring way? This is the question those of us who are engaged in the World Social Forum Process are asking ourselves, right now. Francisco Whitaker Ferreira The World Social Forum’s Charter of Principles The Committee of Brazilian organizations that conceived and organized the first World Social Forum (WSF), held in Porto Alegre from January 25 to 30, 2001, after evaluating its results and the expectations it raised, consider it legitimate and necessary to draw up the following Charterer of Principles to guide the continued pursuit of that initiative. The principles contained in this Charterer are to be respected by all those who wish to take part in the process by organizing new versions of the WSF. These principles consolidate the decisions ruling the first Forum which ensured its success and expanded its reach. These principles define the guidelines flowing from the logic behind the decisions that were made. 1. The WSF is an open gathering space for reflective thinking, democratic debate of ideas, formulation of proposals, free exchange of experiences and networking for effective action by organizations and movements of civil society that are opposed to neoliberalism and to domination of the world by capital and any form of imperialism, aand are committed to building a planetary society directed toward fruitful relationships among human beings and between them and the Earth. 2. The first WSF held in Porto Alegre was an event localized in time and space. From now on, in the certainty proclaimed in 2001 that "another world is possible", it became an ongoing process of seeking and building alternatives, which cannot be reduced to the events supporting it. 3. The WSF is a worldwide process. All the gatherings held as part of this process are to have an international dimension. 4. The alternatives proposed at the WSF stand in opposition to a process of globalization commanded by the large multinational corporations and by governments, as well as international institutions at the service of those corporations interests, with the complicity of national governments. The WSF alternatives are designed to ensure that global solidarity will prevail as a new stage in world history. This is to instill respect for universal human rights and those of all citizens — men and women — of all nations, and the protection of the environment, as supported by democratic international systems and organizations committed to social justice, equality and the sovereignty of all peoples. 5. The WSF is to bring together and orchestrate only civil society organizations and movements from every country in the world, although it does not purport itself to be a body representing world civil society. 6. As the WSF gatherings are not deliberative in nature, as a body. No-one is ever authorized to assume in the name of any of its editions a position alleged to be that of all its participants. These are never called to make decisions either by vote or acclamation as a body with regard to statements or proposed actions involving all participants, or their majority, while claiming it to be the posture assumed by the WSF. The Forum does not therefore constitute itself a power game to be disputed between its participants at any of its gatherings, nor does it pretend to be the only alternative for dialogue and action among the organizations and movements involved. 7. The freedom to deliberate at WSF gatherings is however warranted to participating organizations or groups of organizations regarding statements and actions they may decide to develop, either singly or in coordination with other participants. The Forum commits itself to widely announce such decisions by all means available, without imposed directives, hierarchical manipulations, censorship or restrictions, rather as deliberations made by the organizations or groups of organizations endorsing them. 8. The WSF is a non-denominational, non-governmental and non-partisan, pluralistic and diversified area, networking in a decentralized way organizations and movements committed to concrete actions, within a local to international range toward the development of another world. 9. The WSF will always be open to the plurality and diversity of commitment and performance by organizations and movements that decided to participate in it, as well as to the diversity of gender, ethnicity, culture, generation and physical ability, as long as they respect this Charter of Principles. Biased representations and military organizations are restricted from participation in the WSF. Government leaders or legislators may be invited to participate but at a personal level only and as long as they abide by this Charter’s reservations. 10. The WSF opposes all totalitarian and narrow views of history, development, and the economy, as well as the use of State violence as a means of social control. It advocates respect for Human Rights, the practice of true, participatory democracy and for equitable, peaceful and supportive relationships among individuals, ethnic groups, genders and peoples, while condemning all forms of domination such as the subduing of one human being by another. 11. As a discussion space, the WSF is a movement of ideas to stimulate reflection and disseminate its outcomes in a transparent way regarding the mechanisms and instruments of domination employed by capital. It is concerned with the means to resist and overcome that domination in alternatives proposed to solve exclusion and social injustice problems which the money-led globalization process — with its racist, sexist and environmentally harmful dimensions — is spreading both domestically and internationally. 12. As a framework for the sharing experiences, the WSF, encourages understanding and mutual recognition among its participant organizations and movements, while treasuring the achieved exchange, especially on all that is being developed by different societies in focusing economic activity and political action to meet human needs and environmental concerns, for the sake of present and future generations. 13. As a space for networking, the WSF seeks to strengthen and develop national and international ties among organizations and movements — in both the public and the private sectors — committed to increase the option for a nonviolent social resistance against the dehumanizing process aligned with the violence used by the State that the world is witnessing, so as to reinforce humanizing initiatives already in action by the deeds of these organizations and movements. 14. The WSF is a process to stimulate its participating organizations and movements to situate their initiatives from local to national levels, while seeking an active presence at international instances revolving around questions of planetary citizenship, to introduce transforming practices each may be experimenting and shape a new world through human solidarity.
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